“In Russia, we remember everything…”

Irada Zeynalova, Ambassador of Russia to Mauritius 

• “Countries can be independent, they can trade on their own terms, without constant dependence on the dollar.” 

• “Resolving the Ukraine conflict will require serious, patient, and well-prepared negotiations – not quick media statements.” 

• “Sanctions forced us to invest in ourselves – in tourism, food, manufacturing, pharmaceuticals… We no longer depend on Europe.” 

“Russia was one of the first countries to recognise Mauritius’ independence and freedom. In Russia, we remember everything…” Russian Ambassador Irada Zeynalova is quick to point out in this interview with BIZWEEK. On Russia’s own evolution, she notes pointedly: “We remember when foreign advisors tried to write our constitution. We no longer accept that.” A stance which is reflected by her views on geopolitical trends. “The world is no longer unipolar or bipolar – it is multipolar. African countries must have a strong voice, and Russia has always supported this. The time of colonialism must end,” she argues.

Turning to current conflicts, she stresses that “resolving the Ukraine conflict will require serious, patient, and well-prepared negotiations, not quick media statements.” Geopolitics, she insists, “is extremely complex – it is not about personal phone calls between leaders or superficial headlines.” As for the potential impact of Trump’s presidency, she is cautious: “A different U.S. administration might bring new approaches or priorities, but the road to peace will still require a deep, systematic process that addresses these fundamental issues.”

Pivoting to trade and economy, Ambassador Zeynalova stresses that “we need to move beyond stereotypes. Safety is essential, and safety starts with the economy.” She is adamant that “countries can be independent, they can trade on their own terms, without constant dependence on the dollar.” Noting that sanctions have led Russia to invest more in its domestic industries, she argues that “we no longer depend on Europe.”

As for Mauritius, Ambassador Irada Zeynalova outlines her priorities: strengthening bilateral relations and expanding cultural exchanges showcasing Russia’s cultural heritage, which “spans centuries,” and finds its expression in painting, theatre, classical music, and ballet… 

Editor-In-Chief: Rudy Veeramundar | Photographer: Manoj Nawoor

You come from a media background. Could you tell us about your career before coming to Mauritius?

Yes, of course. I should start with my education. I am a physicist by training, and an expert in powder materials. Today we call it nanotechnology, but at the time, it was simply a specialised field in Russia. In fact, only one class graduated in it – it was the 1990s, just after the Soviet Union collapsed. Survival became more important than pursuing an academic career, so I didn’t work as a scientist.

Instead, I started working as an interpreter, although I didn’t know English at all. But I had to support my family. In 1991, after the Soviet collapse, I was offered a job by Samsung, paying $15 a day, which was a huge amount for us then. I had one week to teach myself English. Of course, we had studied some technical English in school for aircraft engines and rockets, but I knew I had to master conversational English very quickly, and I did.

Later, I worked in television as part of an international team from a Dutch company building a newsroom for Russia’s biggest television channel. I was officially representing a foreign company, but the Russian journalists included me in their community, and that is how I became a journalist – not through formal education, but through practice.

From 1996-97 until 2024, I worked as a journalist. In Russia, we practise what we call “universal journalism.” You might cover a cultural event one day, and report from a conflict zone or natural disaster the next. Over the years, I reported from Chechnya, Afghanistan and all the countries of the Arab Spring. I also worked for five years as a foreign correspondent in London, and for two years in the Middle East during the height of the Arab Spring.

Later, I returned to Moscow and became a presenter. But I didn’t enjoy studio work alone – I didn’t like the idea of simply putting on makeup, wearing a suit, and reading a polished script. So, I arranged to work as both presenter and correspondent: during the week, I travelled across countries to cover stories, and on Sundays, I anchored an analytical programme.

During that time, I covered many major events: the Donbass conflict from its first days, the Ukraine war, Brexit, Trump’s first inauguration – everything.

When COVID started, the first few weeks felt strange. It was a rare chance to sleep in my own bed – I was so used to sleeping in airports! But after a while, I decided to continue my education and joined the Diplomatic Academy. After graduating, I was offered a position as a diplomat. It made sense: journalism, especially television journalism, is not an ageless profession. There is a glass ceiling – your physical endurance becomes an issue. I also wanted to give space to younger journalists.

So, one Sunday, I did my last broadcast, and by Friday, I officially became a diplomat, an ambassador. And now I am here.

How was the transition?

On the surface, it seems similar – you smile and talk to people – but in reality, it is very different.

As a journalist, you can approach anyone, speak freely, gather information, and broadcast it. As a diplomat, you must remember that you represent your country and president. You gather information, but you do not broadcast it. You follow diplomatic protocol.

Also, I had never managed a team before. As a presenter, I had a crew, but I wasn’t responsible for their welfare. In diplomacy, you must think about your staff, their families, their needs… It is a big responsibility.

And of course, when communicating with foreign governments, you must be more careful than as a journalist. Everyone knows you are a diplomat.

That said, I’ve been lucky here. Thanks to my television background, I found a community of local media professionals in Mauritius. They have become my friends.

How do you find the Mauritian media landscape compared to Russia’s?

It is very different. In Russia, we have a law of competition: you must be first, or you are no one. We have dozens of television channels, radio stations, newspapers, online platforms, social media, and the competition is intense. I was among the most competitive.

Here, life is more relaxed. You do things differently. And perhaps you don’t need such fierce competition, because here, people are more relaxed. The technology is different too.

How do you define your mission as a diplomat in Mauritius?

My mission is to deepen the bilateral relationship between our countries – a relationship that began five days after Mauritius gained independence. Russia was one of the first countries to recognise Mauritius’ independence and freedom. In Russia, we remember everything…

I arrived at a time of great global uncertainty. My task is to help unite the Global South. The world is no longer unipolar or bipolar – it is multipolar. African countries must have a strong voice, and Russia has always supported this.

We see African nations as a treasure. We have no colonial past. From the Soviet era, we supported the struggle for independence. Now, I wish to support Mauritius’ sovereignty, independence, and friendship with Russia – a friendship built over many years.

Education and culture are central to this. In Russia, we believe that if you think only about money, you lose your soul. The true treasure of a person is their personality, their soul, their culture.

That is why education is so important to us. Russia has 100% literacy. Books are sacred to us. Our constitution and national strategy prioritise families and children. The first point in our national security strategy is saving people and improving the lives of children.

In Mauritius, I organise many events for children, women, and vulnerable groups, because we support vulnerable people. I aim to bring as much Russian culture as possible here: classical music, ballet, painting, theatre, poetry…

“Geopolitical negotiations are long, technical, and deeply complex… These are not things decided on Twitter or in television interviews.”

Russia’s cultural heritage spans centuries. We should share it with Africa to show that these are examples nations can learn from to develop their own paths. Russian culture is one of the world’s great cultures, alongside French, British, Chinese, Iranian… If you don’t share culture, you are being greedy.

For example, we have already organised concerts, exhibitions, and masterclasses. The Russian Institute of Theatre Arts came here, as did the Conservatoire. We will continue after a short summer break.

In September, we plan to bring Russian classical ballet, including a unique Islamic ballet from Tatarstan, and possibly a dance group from Chechnya. We will certainly bring more classical music. As a journalist, I have many friends who are now international stars. They will come here.

And all our events are free for Mauritians. These performances usually cost a great deal, but we cover all the expenses. Earlier this year, in March, we held a major dance theatre performance – a big event for Mauritius. We hope to do it again.

You mentioned your own musical background…

Yes, I play the piano. In Russia, it is normal. Our children are highly educated. Parents usually choose for their children: music or sports, or both. My parents chose both – I had no free time!

In Russia, almost everyone plays an instrument – not professionally, but at some level. Our educational system is very comprehensive. Children are always engaged: they paint, play music, do sports… They do not have time for gadgets.

I have already discussed this approach with Mauritius’ Ministers of Education, Health, and Sports. In Russia, we implement national projects, for example the “Healthy Generation” project, involving multiple ministries – Education, Culture, Health, Sports, Interior – working together. This avoids competition between ministries and ensures coordinated action.

The same applies to environmental projects: you must involve Environment, Agriculture, Interior and Education because environment is not just about preservation, but about education and development.

What is Russia’s perspective on Africa’s future?

Africa is very important. The time of colonialism must end. During the colonial era, resources and people were drained from Africa. Now, these nations deserve a better life.

Safety is essential, and safety starts with the economy. If people are safe, can earn money, and their country supports them, they can build a better future and resist external pressure.

Poverty is not just about money. It is about education, water, food… I saw this in Sudan, where my son worked before the war. People there survive on $2 a week. Sanctions destroyed their agriculture, despite the Nile. I asked locals what they needed, and they said: “Leave us alone. Give us safety, medicine, education. We can develop our country ourselves.”

Fair trade is critical. Africans must have the freedom to trade fairly and develop their own countries, and not be trapped by dependency on aid.

BRICS is important here. It is not like NATO or the EU, with strict membership conditions. It is an open platform where countries are equal and respected. There are no rigid regulations, just space for dialogue and cooperation.

Is the dominance of the dollar in decline?

I hope so. And many countries around the world hope so too. If we look at history, the dollar was once supported by gold – but that changed in the 1970s. After the Bretton Woods system ended, the US abandoned the gold standard, and the dollar became a fiat currency. Since then, it has essentially been paper – supported not by intrinsic value, but by global confidence, political influence, and, for many years, by the petrodollar system.

But now, confidence is shifting. In practical terms, we see this everywhere. Many countries – particularly in Africa – are increasingly reluctant to accept older dollar notes. For example, in Tanzania, if you exchange dollars, the rate depends on whether your notes are new or old. The same happens in Egypt and other countries. This creates uncertainty. How can the world rely on a paper currency whose value fluctuates not just on the market, but also depending on the age of the banknote?

Of course, the SWIFT banking system remains highly convenient – it was designed over decades to facilitate fast and secure global transactions. But, as we experienced after 2022, SWIFT can also be used as a political weapon. For Russia, the weaponisation of the dollar and SWIFT against us was a wake-up call. We adapted quickly, but it demonstrated to many countries that over-dependence on a single currency and system is dangerous.

That is why platforms such as BRICS are working on alternatives. We are not advocating for the complete rejection of the dollar. That would be unrealistic. But it is essential to build parallel systems: payment mechanisms in national currencies, new financial networks that are inclusive and not vulnerable to unilateral sanctions.

You can already see steps in this direction. Even here in Mauritius, there are examples – the rupee is being used in new ways in international transactions. More broadly, countries are beginning to realise that they can be independent, and they can trade on their own terms without constant dependence on the dollar.

It is not easy, and it will not happen overnight. But step by step, as these alternatives mature, the world will move toward a fairer, more balanced financial system – one where no single nation can dictate terms to the rest.

“The Trump presidency could influence the process, but not in a simplistic or personal way.”

How do you see the current global debate on democracy?

We need to move beyond stereotypes. Democracy is not about whether someone wears a white tie or a black tie. It is about real rights: justice, elections, free speech…

Today, even in the West, countries accuse each other of being “more democratic” or “less democratic.” That is dangerous.

In Russia, we speak of “sovereign democracy.” We make our own choices within our legal system, without external interference. We remember when foreign advisors tried to write our constitution. We no longer accept that.

When will the war between Russia and Ukraine come to an end? Could the Trump presidency change the geopolitical landscape and fasten the peace process?

Geopolitics is extremely complex. It is not about personal phone calls between leaders or superficial headlines. It is a long, multi-layered process of negotiation. Resolving the Ukraine conflict, for example, will require serious, patient, and well-prepared negotiations – not quick media statements.

The key issues must be addressed systematically. First, there is the problem of NATO expansion towards Russia’s borders. At the time of the Soviet Union’s collapse, during the talks between Mikhail Gorbachev and Western leaders – first Ronald Reagan, then George Bush – there was a clear promise: “Not an inch” of NATO expansion eastward. Today, NATO forces are just 50 kilometres from Russia’s border. This is a serious issue for us – one that cannot be ignored.

Second, Ukraine is being used as a buffer state against Russia. This creates instability in the entire region. Ukraine should be a neutral country, not an enemy. We do not want an enemy on our border; we want a neighbour with whom we can have normal, peaceful relations.

And we must also confront the rise of nationalism in Ukraine. I have seen this with my own eyes since the very beginning of the conflict. I visited Donbass in the first days of the war. At the time, none of us fully realised how deeply prepared the nationalist forces were. By 2014, when they began bombing their own citizens, we were shocked. Many of my friends and colleagues, including journalists, lost their lives there. I helped to bring back the bodies of fallen journalists across the border. The first among them was my friend.

The Western media did not cover these realities. For us, it was very clear: this is a human tragedy. In Kyiv, during the Maidan protests, we saw nationalist symbols and slogans – things that should never have been allowed to take root in a civilised country.

In my own embassy, nearly everyone has mixed Russian and Ukrainian family backgrounds. Russians and Ukrainians are not distant relatives – we are one people. For a long time after the Soviet collapse, we made jokes about Ukrainian nationalism — we thought it was an exaggeration, a fringe movement. But unfortunately, it was deliberately cultivated, with significant support from the West.

Today, Russian language and culture are being suppressed in Ukraine. Children cannot study Russian in schools, people cannot speak Russian openly on the streets, and Orthodox churches are being burned. This is unacceptable. It is a violation of basic human rights and cultural freedom.

In Donbass, the Russian-speaking population has the right to live without persecution. They cannot survive as an isolated territory between Russia and Ukraine. They need support and protection.

Ultimately, any future resolution must ensure that Ukraine is not used as a NATO outpost against Russia, that nationalist extremism is dismantled, and that Russian-speaking citizens can live freely. Only then can this war come to an end.

Of course, the Trump presidency could influence the process, but not in a simplistic or personal way. Geopolitical negotiations are long, technical, and deeply complex. I often tell people to read Henry Kissinger’s accounts of how long it took to prepare Nixon’s visit to China, or to negotiate the end of the Vietnam War. These are not things decided on Twitter or in television interviews. Diplomacy is slow, hard work, carried out by hundreds of people behind the scenes.

So yes, the different U.S. administration might bring new approaches or priorities, but the road to peace will still require a deep, systematic process that addresses these fundamental issues.

How has Russia adapted to sanctions?

We have adapted brilliantly. Sanctions forced us to invest in ourselves – in tourism, food, manufacturing, pharmaceuticals. Russians are now travelling within their own country. We no longer depend on Europe.

I have discovered new parts of the world: Africa, Asia, Latin America. The world is much bigger than we once thought. We now know who our friends are.

Do you see Russia as part of Europe or Asia, or both?

Both. We are friends to all who wish to engage with us. Division weakens us. Cooperation makes us stronger, healthier, and happier. Ultimately, we are here to build a better future for our children. That should guide everything we do.